“Is that David Wallace?” Western Standard Publisher Derek Fildebrandt asked reporter David Wiechnik after he had muted the Zoom call they were on.“Yeah,” Wiechnik replied.“Holy shit,” Fildebrandt said.“That guy is the most untrustworthy guy there is.”Fildebrandt grabbed his phone and added, “You cannot trust anything that guy says,” as he rushed out of his office to make a call to one of the other video call participants.Sitting out of view of the rest of the participants, Wiechnik could hear Wallace ask, “Where’s he going?”Over the next several minutes, a few people on the call made small talk while Wiechnik sat silently in his boss’s office waiting for his return.Fildebrandt eventually came back in and sat down at his desk.“Okay, let’s listen to what they have to say,” he said, and unmuted the call.In late September, the Western Standard met with Tyler Argue, CEO of risk management firm Westbridge Ventures Canada LP, and political provocateur David Wallace.The men — whom it was later revealed were under directions from Bryan Ward of Park Law LLP — approached the Western Standard with a proposed new angle about the so-called 'Corrupt Care' scandal that had roiled Alberta politics for months after being broken by Globe and Mail reporter Carrie Tait in February 2025.What follows is a reconstruction of what was alleged at that time, alongside what could and could not be independently verified.The Western Standard found itself drawn into a web of misinformation, backroom dealings, conflicting accounts, and blatant lies, involving known political operatives, intermediaries advancing increasingly wild claims, and an alleged plot centred around David Parker, Alberta activist and founder of Take Back Alberta (TBA), to bring down Premier Danielle Smith.In addition, the outlet was navigating communications not only with these intermediaries but also with MHCare legal counsel, who were involved in managing the narrative around the scandal.Allegations of Hezbollah ties, foreign espionage, and covert operations were presented as credible evidence but were repeatedly unsupported, contradicted, or left unsubstantiated when subjected to further investigation by the Western Standard.The scandal centred on Alberta Health Services’ (AHS) procurement of personal protective equipment (PPE) and pharmaceuticals during the COVID-19 pandemic.At its core was MHCare Medical, an Edmonton-based company owned by CEO Sam Mraiche, who secured major contracts for PPE and later a $70-million deal to supply children’s Tylenol sourced from Turkey..Mraiche drew public attention when political figures, such as Premier Danielle Smith, were photographed at his Edmonton Oilers luxury suite (Skybox), with some claiming it was part of an effort to secure health-care contracts from AHS.The controversy intensified when then-AHS CEO Athana Mentzelopoulos alleged she was fired by Smith for initiating an internal investigation into improper government influence over health contracts. Her allegations are a part of a wrongful dismissal lawsuit and have not been proven in court.The new angle being pitched to the Western Standard claimed a subsequent investigation had uncovered an extortion attempt involving Parker, using the scandal as part of a wider plot to overthrow Smith’s government.Parker had contributed to the ousting of former Premier Jason Kenney and had supported Smith’s UCP leadership bid, but was said to have become disgruntled with the premier after she had distanced herself from him over numerous controversies, such as fines from Elections Alberta and personal attacks on Pierre Poilievre’s family and key advisors.The star witness to this was David Wallace.One factor which raised red flags for the Western Standard was Wallace’s track record..A self-described 'political fixer' and host of The Political Dark Arts Report, he previously stirred up controversy for claiming former justice minister Jonathan Denis hired him to obtain reporter Alanna Smith’s phone records to identify sources related to Denis’s COVID-19 pandemic-era wedding.Wallace was also known for quietly working for political and business interests, then leaking or selling information about them to the targets of the contracts. Acting as a sort of serial double-agent for hire. “[Parker] is a guy who is working for his own purposes to remove the premier of Alberta,” Wallace stated in the call.“This is an overthrow. He’s been working with media. We have the evidence.”Argue added that his client told him and Wallace to “go forward and pull the trees where you may.”On the call, Wallace confirmed he had originally been retained through Toronto private investigator Tom Klatt, who had allegedly been hired by law firm Borden, Ladner, Gervais LLP (BLG) — or, as Wallace put it, “in essence, Athana Mentzelopoulos.”“Klatt asked me to go to Montreal, and to dig into Sam Mraiche, who I'd never heard of,” Wallace said.“He asked me to try to make connections between Lebanese terrorist cells that had ownership in strip clubs in Quebec and try to establish a connection.”Wallace spent two weeks in Montreal, didn’t “find a damn thing,” and said Klatt offered to keep him on retainer for future work.“He wanted me to continue looking for connections that would support [Mraiche] was tied up with terrorist elements and criminal elements,” Wallace stated.“Klatt said, ‘try to establish that connection and you'll get paid.’ There was no connection made.”.Suspicious, Wallace contacted Nate Pike, host of The Breakdown, an Alberta-based left-wing podcast, and the Globe & Mail's Carrie Tait, as both had broken stories on Mraiche and the scandal.Pike told him in January/February 2025 to “leave his questions at the Canadian border,” but was said to believe Mraiche was involved in criminal activity, possibly in Lebanon.Pike later told the Western Standard that his own reporting didn’t involve any foreign investigations.“All of the efforts and inquiries that The Breakdown has pursued have been entirely domestic,” Pike said.“I have heard rumours of a variety of private investigations, but I haven’t initiated them and have no knowledge of any beyond speculation on dubious livestreams.”The livestreams he was referring to were Wallace’s and James DiFiore’s BlackBalled podcast, where the two men worked together, discussing the scandal over multiple videos before and during the Western Standard’s involvement in the case..DiFiore had been found not criminally responsible in February 2025 for criminal harassment and court-order breaches in Ontario, with psychiatric evidence citing untreated psychosis and substance use, which begged the question as to why Wallace would partner with him for this operation. Wallace said he also informed Tait via social media and by phone in early February about his work for Klatt, finding “dirt” on Mraiche.A source who wished to remain unnamed and was privy to the conversation between Wallace and Tait later said the texts provided in the report were “misleading.”After hearing one of his podcasts, Wallace said MHCare contacted him and asked him to work for them as a witness.Argue and Wallace claimed Parker was a primary source for the Globe’s reporting, pointing to a tweet Parker posted a month before the original story broke.Parker denied this in an October 7 appearance on DiFiore’s podcast, saying that he had spoken with Tait in the past, but rejected the idea that he served as a source for the AHS-related allegations.“I want you to think about this logically for a second,” Parker told DiFiore.“I constantly hammer AHS. I say it needs to be destroyed... How many sources do you think I have at AHS?”He went on to call Tait, “one of the best journalists in the country.”In the same interview, Parker said he had personally advised Mraiche to speak directly with Tait and provide his version of events, arguing that refusing to engage with reporters raises more questions.“He's too afraid of that, and he just works through lawyers and journalists,” Parker said.Parker said he warned Mraiche that if he were innocent, the appropriate response would be transparency.The most explosive claims involved allegations of Hezbollah ties and overseas detainments.These claims relied almost entirely on second- and third-hand accounts provided by Wallace and others and were not supported by the Western Standard’s investigation..Parker was alleged to have used relationships he had with some Lebanese Canadians in Edmonton to fabricate allegations tying Mraiche to Hezbollah in Lebanon.Several individuals — including Ali Haymour (Alberta Sheriffs) and Hussain Rahal (Edmonton businessman, owner of Spasation Spa, and former Honorary Consul of Lebanon in Edmonton & Northwest Canada) — were said to have travelled to Lebanon thanks to contacts from Mahmoud Mourra (a Calgary auto mechanic) in February, around the time Globe reporter Mark Mackinnon visited Mraiche’s ancestral village of Joub Jannine.The Western Standard was then told by Wallace that these Edmonton men had their passports revoked and were still being held in Lebanon after they attempted to bribe Lebanese government officials.“These guys are switching cell phones daily, thinking there's still a way out,” Wallace said.Later, Haymour, who ran for councillor in the 2025 Edmonton Municipal Election, finishing fourth in the Anirniq Ward, told the Western Standard he had not been in Lebanon that year.“That’s a fabricated story,” Haymour said.Deemed credible at the time, the claims were compiled into a report — which the Western Standard obtained a copy of — and was presented to the Alberta Sheriff's Executive Protection Unit before being given to the RCMP’s Integrated National Security Enforcement Team (INSET).In the report, Wallace said in a sworn statement to police that Parker had previously paid him through TBA accounts to gather compromising material on Marco Van Huigenbos, a prominent member of TBA, whom Parker alleged was misappropriating funds..Documents confirmed Wallace sent Parker a receipt for $1,700 for his services on February 29, 2024.“Anything you can find on Marco would be incredibly valuable,” Parker said in a text exchange with Wallace.“I’ll run the numbers on this guy and pull his life apart,” Wallace said.“I’m sure plenty will fall out, and then we shut him down.”.Wallace said after a change of heart, he returned the funds to Parker and warned Van Huigenbos, advising him to contact authorities.The Western Standard reached out to Van Huigenbos multiple times but never heard back.“I was trying to position Parker so he would fall from a position of influence because he was getting dangerous,” Wallace said, adding that “a very prominent conservative” (likely referring to Jenni Byrne, Poilievre’s then-campaign manager) whom Parker was “terrorizing” wanted Parker removed.In the summer of 2025, Wallace reached out to Toronto-area podcaster and former radio host Dean Blundell, who knew Parker, as they had both previously appeared on Blundell’s show numerous times.Wallace said he had introduced the two in 2023 to set up a debate appearance for Parker ahead of the Alberta election.Blundell had previously been in Alberta filming a never-released series on TBA, during which he met Mourra, who allegedly bragged about being a former Hezbollah member..Mourra told the Western Standard that Parker was like a “brother” to him and confirmed meeting Blundell in Calgary through Parker during the TBA filming.He also staunchly denied claims of being involved with Hezbollah.“I never said such a thing... Maybe some people are spreading rumours,” Mourra stated.“Hezbollah accused me of working with a Zionist because I took a picture with Larry Heather... What happens 50,000 kilometres from my back alley is not my business.”Mourra, who recently ran for Calgary Ward 10 councillor, also confirmed that Parker had been the interviewer for the TBA series and that Blundell and Mourra never discussed Hezbollah.In August, Blundell reached out to Wallace, proposing they team up and expose what he alleged was a smear campaign by Parker against Mraiche and Premier Smith.Blundell claimed to have exculpatory evidence and agreed to meet Wallace on August 13 at the Chateau Laurier in Ottawa. .Text messages obtained by the Western Standard show Blundell and Wallace coordinating travel plans and discussing how to handle “Parker.”In one message, Wallace wrote: “The entire UPC needs to be shown to the country as nothing more than infighting scum. Maybe Nenshi will get off his ass and start doing something. Alberta is a dumpster fire, and Parker is gleefully pouring gasoline on it every day.”In another exchange, Blundell said, “It’s still unbelievable that Parker would even try something like this. Is he insane? Does he not realize he’s part of a conspiracy — he could face real time here.”“He doesn’t care, pal. He’s in it for money and to be somebody,” Wallace replied. The meeting included Blundell, Wallace, and Tony Costantini — a 32-year veteran of the Ottawa Police Service and an investigative consultant who had been hired as a security consultant and was an associate of Argue’s.Costantini confirmed the meeting centred on Parker’s possible involvement, Lebanon allegations, and Hezbollah ties.Wallace alleged Mentzelopoulos and others sought to falsely link Mraiche to Hezbollah. He also claimed an internal BLG audit cleared Mraiche of any wrongdoing and that CSIS had found no terrorist ties, though Wallace said he never saw any documentation.Wallace further alleged Parker tried to extort Mraiche by claiming he could make Tait’s reporting disappear, but a meeting collapsed after Mraiche saw text messages between Parker and Tait.Blundell also alleged Parker offered him $10,000 to smear Danielle Smith.The meeting ended amicably, with the two men agreeing to meet again, but no documents were left in Wallace’s possession.Additional material reviewed by the Western Standard complicated Wallace’s claims of distance from MHCare.Text messages show Wallace in contact with Fred Bent, a retired Calgary Police Service detective listed as senior vice-president of s01ve Cyber Solutions..In one exchange, Bent introduced himself to Wallace as an associate of Mraiche and suggested setting up a meeting.“Let me know. I can make arrangements to meet with you,” Bent said.In another exchange, Wallace discussed one of his podcast episodes with Ahmad Jebara, a current policy adviser to Alberta Economy Minister Joseph Schow and a nephew of Mraiche..“Thanks, David! Great job on the latest video,” Jebara wrote.“I’d like to do more. Sam Mraiche is getting a raw deal,” Wallace replied.“I have a plan that will completely shut this witch hunt down, turn the tables, and make the UCP come out of this smelling like a rose. This thing is getting worse, I can fix it.”Parker also made allegations about Wallace’s role in the controversy, suggesting Wallace was financially motivated in the October 7 interview with DiFiore.Parker claimed he was aware that money had been paid for statements made publicly by Wallace, alleging Wallace had been compensated to advance narratives favourable to Mraiche.“I know that David Wallace is paid to say things,” Parker said.A second Zoom meeting took place on October 7, 2025, between Fildebrandt, Ward, Argue, and Blayne Iskiw, a strategic business consultant at MHCare who also identified himself as one of Mraiche’s “right-hands.”Iskiw said he wanted to gauge whether the Western Standard would be interested in “reasonable, truth-based media,” saying MHCare wanted its version of events covered fairly.Ward, who identified himself as general counsel for MHCare and Mraiche’s business interests, said the company was not seeking favourable coverage.“We're always interested in getting the true message out,” Ward said.“We would never ask anyone to change a story.”He pointed to a previously released MHCare media dossier and said the company expected renewed coverage following the then-upcoming release of the Wyant Report.During the call, Fildebrandt expressed interest in reviewing any documentation MHCare was prepared to offer.The meeting also revealed uncertainty about what documentation actually existed.While Iskiw and Ward referred to publicly released MHCare media statements, Argue said the separate investigative report — drawing on claims previously outlined by Wallace — had been shared only with law enforcement at the time.Fildebrandt said access to both would be necessary before proceeding, and Iskiw and Ward agreed to send over the media statements along with the investigative report.After seeing this information, the Western Standard decided to take the story on and launched its own investigation, with the promise of being provided answers to any questions the outlet had by Wallace and Argue, predominantly through email, with both Ward and Iskiw cc’d in to remain in the loop..On November 25, after several weeks of investigation, the Western Standard again met with Argue and Wallace on a Zoom call, with follow-up questions.One of the major points the Western Standard wanted to look into was the alleged meeting that happened between Parker and Mraiche at an unspecified gas station in South Calgary along Macleod Trail.It was suggested the meeting was a “smoking gun” — proof Parker had attempted to extort Mraiche by claiming he could make Tait’s reporting go away..Parker told DiFiore in their interview he had shown Mraiche private text messages between himself and Tait in an effort to reassure him, but later became concerned when Wallace publicly referenced messages Parker said he had never shared with anyone else.The Western Standard was led to believe Wallace had additional corroboration, including a witness, closed-circuit security footage, and possibly audio.During the call, Wallace was asked if the third party who was mentioned could verify that the meeting happened.He responded by saying the gas station owner could be made available.“He can give you a statement, no problem — the time, the date, and how it transpired,” Wallace said.The Western Standard attempted to establish a firmer grip on the timeline — particularly around claims that Mackinnon had travelled to Lebanon to investigate alleged Hezbollah ties.While it was confirmed Mackinnon visited Joub Jannine as covered in a Globe article on November 29, no evidence was ever found to back up the claims that he was there under the guise of humanitarian aid to bribe officials.“We have the whole nine yards on Mark,” Wallace assured.“We also have his own statements and text messages that he gave to the people in the village where he was claiming it was for humanitarian aid and also the sworn statement of a witness who was there. When Mark left, he said, ‘I guess Carrie and the guys back in Alberta are going to be disappointed that I didn't get anything.’”Wallace stated he believed the Globe thought there was “real evidence in Lebanon.”“I don’t think they went there to frame him. I think they were told there was something there,” he said.Wallace was then asked whether Blundell had ever produced any of the information he claimed to possess during the August 13 meeting at the Chateau Laurier..“He showed us some text messages, but he would not turn them over,” Wallace said, adding that no audio recording of the meeting existed, as both parties were fine with Costantini keeping a record.It was confirmed neither Argue nor Wallace had been in contact with Blundell since.The Western Standard reached out to Blundell for comment on his meeting with Wallace and relationship with Parker but has not heard back.Later in the call, Argue said that the investigation had been frustrating, with his firm having been told “a lot of sh*t.”“A million claims have been made to me by many different people,” Argue said.“I've been given very little in the way of facts, even up to this very second. I've been asking for nine months now for facts.”Wallace mentioned he would be attending the UCP AGM in Edmonton in late November and promised again to secure the evidence that had been requested.“When I come in, that’s the first thing I’ll get,” he said.After that meeting, the Western Standard kept in touch with Argue through phone calls, texts, and emails (with both Ward and Iskiw cc’d in) to remain in the loop as Argue acted as a go-between.None of the promised materials were ever received.Running into Wallace at the AGM on November 28, the Western Standard again asked for an update on the evidence but was again met with the same response as before. That was the last time the Western Standard had any contact with Wallace.Due to the sheer lack of evidence and next to no cooperation, the Western Standard decided the investigation would be put on ice, indefinitely..Former Alberta premier’s chief of staff sues over corruption allegations related to health-care scandal .On January 6, the Globe ran a story where Wallace was shown to be accused of harassing a potential witness in the wrongful-dismissal lawsuit against the Alberta government, saying he was retained by an Edmonton-based lawyer.The lawyer’s name? Bryan Ward.The article went on to point out how Wallace had attacked Tait, her Globe colleague Tom Cardoso, and Sandy Edmonstone, a former AHS board member who urged Mentzelopoulos to bring her concerns regarding Wallace’s harassment to the police.It was also noted that Edmonstone had obtained a court order authorizing the seizure of evidence from the homes and electronic devices of Wallace and DiFiore.Following the release of the Globe’s article, the Western Standard sent a final request to Ward and Iskiw on January 7, asking for evidence related to the investigation, in particular the audio/video of the gas station meeting between Parker and Mraiche, by January 9.Ward responded on January 9, saying, “This was a project between Tyler Argue (Westbridge Ventures Canada LP) and Western Standard. There was no ‘request’ for anything; rather, simply a balanced story talking about the real details (which is why we provided the media summaries and the dossier). Anything else was between Tyler and yourself, which we weren’t aware of or party to.”It was stated that any additional information or promises from Wallace were handled directly by Argue.He also noted that Wallace was currently involved in ongoing litigation and could not comment on matters.“It is also important to point out Tyler is no longer working with us, so you will need to reach out to him directly if promises were made that we are not aware of,” Ward added.In the email chain, Ward went on to say there was “clearly a misunderstanding” and that neither he nor Iskiw had access to any additional meetings, documents, CCTV footage, or audio recordings.Ward said MHCare had no involvement in arranging or providing materials beyond what was publicly available.After being shown Ward’s response, Argue sent a statement saying that his firm never possessed the original evidence.Argue later confirmed Westbridge’s service agreement was terminated by Park Law LLP on December 24.“We can't do an investigation without being supplied the proper information to do our work,” he said, adding he felt it was in his firm’s best interest to “disengage them.”“As reflected in our communications, we were repeatedly advised that supporting materials sought by the Western Standard were being assembled by Mr. Wallace and would be provided to us for evidentiary review and onward transmission,” Argue said."Westbridge is bound by confidentiality and non-disclosure obligations arising from its retainer and cannot comment on investigative findings or unproduced evidence. That said, our involvement and scope of work are a matter of public record, including commentary provided on a podcast, The Political Dark Arts Report.".In a subsequent conversation, Argue confirmed Westbridge was directed by Bryan Ward to approach the Western Standard as part of its investigative mandate, but emphasized that his firm never received the evidence needed to substantiate the allegations being circulated.“We were given instructions to approach the Western Standard. Bryan Ward was the one that was giving directions to [Wallace] and myself under a retainer,” Argue said.“It's important to understand that [Ward] was acting on behalf of MHCare, which is why [Iskiw] was in the meeting subsequent to our first engagement.”Argue then revealed he was initially retained directly by Wallace in early 2025 to investigate on behalf of one of Wallace’s clients.He explained that his team normally works through law firms or corporations to maintain client-solicitor privilege, and the arrangement through Wallace started to create complications.Argue added that concerns were raised repeatedly and ultimately Wallace stepped back, requiring the client to directly retain Argue’s firm to continue the investigation.Argue then said that throughout the investigation, Wallace claimed the evidence was held by his client or by lawyers associated with MHCare, while Ward and others directed Argue back to Wallace.“They literally kept pointing at each other going back and forth,” he said, adding the whole situation didn’t make sense.“Wallace sold everybody a bag of goods and a blindfold to go with it.“Thankfully there were enough guardrails with checks and balances to prevent something like this from being published [as truth].”The Western Standard reached out to David Parker but he did not respond before publication.
