Colin MacLeod is a Calgary-based aviation consultant, and author of 'The Case for Alberta's Independence.'In the late 19th century, Alberta’s diverse cultural and ethnic landscape was shaped by frontier pragmatism. Home to Métis, First Nations, and settlers from Ontario, the British Isles, and the United States, the region saw waves of immigrants from Germany, Ukraine, Scandinavia, and Eastern Europe arrive in the 1880s and 1890s under federal policies aimed at populating the prairies. This vibrant mix fostered a resilient, industrious society and a distinct political culture — individualist, self-reliant, and increasingly sceptical of eastern authority.Alberta’s struggle to assert itself within confederation did not begin in 1905 — it predates the province’s very creation. Frederick Haultain, Premier of the North-West Territories from 1897 to 1905, fought fiercely against Ottawa’s decision to divide the West into two provinces — Alberta and Saskatchewan. Haultain proposed a single, autonomous “Province of Buffalo” with a non-partisan legislature and full control over its resources. His vision was rejected by Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier, who prioritised political control and patronage over western unity. The split diluted the West’s influence and sowed the seeds of a subordinate provincial structure that persists to this day..That wariness became political action in the 1920s with the rise of the Progressive Party, which demanded Alberta’s control over its natural resources. The federal government had retained ownership since 1905, treating Alberta more like a territory or a colony than a full province. It wasn’t until the Natural Resources Transfer Act of 1930 — after years of lobbying and protest — that Alberta finally gained control over its land and subsoil rights. Even then, the long delay fuelled western resentment.In the 1930s, during the depths of the Depression, Premier William Aberhart’s Social Credit government introduced a series of radical economic reforms aimed at protecting Albertans from eastern-controlled banks and predatory lenders. His efforts to regulate banking and credit were swiftly struck down by Ottawa and the courts, exposing the limits of provincial authority. In response, Aberhart established the Alberta Treasury Branches (ATB) in 1938 — a provincially owned financial institution designed to provide Albertans with access to locally controlled banking.The episode underscored a hard truth: even in times of economic crisis, Alberta’s sovereignty was subordinate to federal power. Ottawa’s aggressive disallowance of Alberta’s legislation made one thing clear: provincial sovereignty, even in matters of economic survival, was conditional on federal approval..The battle escalated in the 1970s when Premier Peter Lougheed pushed back against Pierre Trudeau’s National Energy Program (NEP.) The NEP redirected Alberta’s oil wealth to subsidize eastern Canada and support federal energy policy. Lougheed retaliated by cutting oil production — a bold act of economic warfare. While some concessions were won, the fundamental imbalance remained: Ottawa could intervene in Alberta’s economy at will.In the 1990s, Preston Manning launched a softer rebellion through the Reform Party and the “West Wants In” campaign. He aimed to work within the system to secure Senate reform and decentralisation. Despite merging into the federal Conservative Party, the West’s core demands were sidelined. Symbolic inclusion did not translate into structural change.Even Stephen Harper, an Alberta MP and Canada’s prime minister from 2006 to 2015, failed to deliver constitutional reform. His efforts to democratise the Senate of Canada, where Alberta remains severely underrepresented, were blocked by the Supreme Court, which ruled that Senate reform required constitutional amendments with significant provincial consent..That consent is nearly impossible to achieve due to the 7/50 Rule in the Constitution Act, 1982. Under Section 38, constitutional amendments involving key institutional changes must be approved by Parliament and at least seven provinces representing at least 50% of the population. This formula gives Ontario and Quebec de facto veto power, guaranteeing that Western demands can be — and often are — overruled.This was underscored in 2021, when Alberta held a provincial referendum calling for the removal of equalisation from the constitution. With 63% of voters supporting the proposal, the result was a clear expression of provincial will.Ottawa’s response? Total silence. The referendum was ignored — no negotiations, no acknowledgement, no action. It was a stark reminder that under the current structure, even clear democratic mandates from the West carry no weight in Ottawa.From Haultain’s vision of a united West to modern efforts at Senate reform and fiscal fairness, Alberta has spent over a century seeking structural equality within confederation. Yet every path — constitutional, legislative, democratic — has led to the same dead end. The 7/50 Rule ensures that eastern provinces hold the keys to reform, and they have shown no interest in unlocking the door.Without a seismic national crisis or a bold constitutional upheaval, Alberta’s hopes for meaningful reform are virtually nonexistent. The province’s subordinate role, deliberately woven into the fabric of confederation, seems crafted not for change — but for permanence. It’s time to disrupt this unyielding system and demand a new path forward.Colin MacLeod is a Calgary-based aviation consultant, and author of 'The Case for Alberta's Independence.'
